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contributi
Gender Wage Gap: differenze tra le versioni
→Primo studio
| Riga 67: | Riga 67: | ||
Queste discrepanze salariali tra i generi possono avere conseguenze durature e significative non solo per le donne, ma anche per le loro famiglie. Quindi, è imperativo continuare a studiare ed esplorare queste differenze per attuare misure efficaci volte a colmare questo divario. | Queste discrepanze salariali tra i generi possono avere conseguenze durature e significative non solo per le donne, ma anche per le loro famiglie. Quindi, è imperativo continuare a studiare ed esplorare queste differenze per attuare misure efficaci volte a colmare questo divario. | ||
=== Primo studio === | === Primo studio === | ||
7. Conclusione <mark>L'incorporazione dei tratti della personalità in un'analisi dei determinanti salariali</mark> arricchisce la capacità dei modelli economici di spiegare la variazione eterogenea tra individui e, aggiungendo una lente di genere a questa variazione, <mark>scopre fattori precedentemente non riconosciuti dietro il divario retributivo di genere</mark>. <mark>La nostra analisi mostra che gli uomini generalmente mostrano livelli più elevati dei tratti della personalità</mark> <mark>che denotano un senso più forte di fiducia</mark> nelle proprie capacità e un focus più forte sulla propria agenda: <mark>maggiore speranza di successo</mark>, minore paura del fallimento e <mark>minore remissività</mark> (simile a un egoismo più forte). <mark>Tutti questi tratti sono positivamente associati ai guadagni.</mark> <mark>L'unico tratto che si è scoperto dare alle donne un vantaggio salariale è il loro livello più elevato di coscienziosità</mark>, il che potrebbe suggerire che le donne tendono a fare affidamento sul dimostrare la loro competenza nel loro ruolo di lavoro esistente - più che proporsi per ruoli ancora più impegnativi - come meccanismo per scalare la scala retributiva. I risultati di questo documento dovrebbero innescare un esame più attento delle caratteristiche personali del singolo lavoratore che entrano nelle decisioni di assunzione e retribuzione del datore di lavoro. <mark>I datori di lavoro dovrebbero essere sollecitati a valutare se livelli più elevati di fiducia giustifichino necessariamente salari più alti</mark>, o se potrebbero fare affidamento sulla fiducia come indicatore delle reali capacità e del valore produttivo di un lavoratore. Soprattutto, questo documento dovrebbe innescare una consapevolezza più percettiva dei modi in cui gli attributi della personalità di uomini e donne tendono a differire e di come queste differenze contano per esiti critici come stipendi e opportunità di lavoro. Riconoscere questi punti di differenza è un passo essenziale nel perseguimento in corso per affrontare le disuguaglianze che danno origine al divario retributivo di genere. | |||
[[File:66799114496e54a2186cd3dbb300e06b.png|7. Conclusion '''The incorporation of personality traits into an analysis of wage determinants''' enriches the capacity of economic models to explain heterogeneous variation among individuals and, when adding a gender lens to this variation, '''uncover previously unrecognized factors behind the gender pay gap'''. '''Our analysis shows that men generally display higher levels of the personality''' '''traits that connote a stronger sense of confidence''' in their capabilities and a stronger focus on their own agenda: '''higher hope for success''', weaker fear of failure, and '''lower agreeableness''' (akin to stronger self-centredness). '''All of these traits are positively associated with earnings.''' '''The only trait found to give women a wage advantage is their higher level of conscientiousness''', which could suggest that women tend to rely on demonstrating their proficiency in their existing job role-moreso than putting themselves forward for even more challenging roles-as the mechanism to climb the pay ladder. This paper's findings should trigger closer scrutiny of the personal characteristics of the individual worker that enter into an employer's job recruitment and remuneration decisions. '''Employers should be prompted to evaluate whether higher levels of confidence necessarily justify higher wages''', or whether they might be relying on confidence as a proxy for a worker's true capability and productive value. Above all, this paper should trigger a more perceptive awareness of the ways in which the personality attributes of men and women tend to differ, and how these differences matter for critical outcomes such as wages and workplace opportunities. Recognizing these points of difference is an essential step in the ongoing pursuit to address the inequalities that give rise to the gender pay gap.|miniatura|596x596px|nessuno]] | [[File:66799114496e54a2186cd3dbb300e06b.png|7. Conclusion '''The incorporation of personality traits into an analysis of wage determinants''' enriches the capacity of economic models to explain heterogeneous variation among individuals and, when adding a gender lens to this variation, '''uncover previously unrecognized factors behind the gender pay gap'''. '''Our analysis shows that men generally display higher levels of the personality''' '''traits that connote a stronger sense of confidence''' in their capabilities and a stronger focus on their own agenda: '''higher hope for success''', weaker fear of failure, and '''lower agreeableness''' (akin to stronger self-centredness). '''All of these traits are positively associated with earnings.''' '''The only trait found to give women a wage advantage is their higher level of conscientiousness''', which could suggest that women tend to rely on demonstrating their proficiency in their existing job role-moreso than putting themselves forward for even more challenging roles-as the mechanism to climb the pay ladder. This paper's findings should trigger closer scrutiny of the personal characteristics of the individual worker that enter into an employer's job recruitment and remuneration decisions. '''Employers should be prompted to evaluate whether higher levels of confidence necessarily justify higher wages''', or whether they might be relying on confidence as a proxy for a worker's true capability and productive value. Above all, this paper should trigger a more perceptive awareness of the ways in which the personality attributes of men and women tend to differ, and how these differences matter for critical outcomes such as wages and workplace opportunities. Recognizing these points of difference is an essential step in the ongoing pursuit to address the inequalities that give rise to the gender pay gap.|miniatura|596x596px|nessuno]] | ||
=== Altro paper === | === Altro paper === | ||
[[File:A3839a152c6fc4ecc16a5a18afb22f5e.png|women are also less likely than men to reach the highest-paying leadership and executive positions. In 2015, women held only 26 percent of pri vate-sector executive positions, with women of color particularly unlikely to hold such positions. (For more information on the leadership gap, see AAUW's 2016 report Barriers and Bias : the Status of Women in Leadership.) Gender bias also factors into how our society values some jobs over others. A study of 50 years of US workforce data concluded that when an influx of women enter a previously male-dominated profession, average wages for the occupation as a whole actually decrease (Levanon et al., 2009). And bias affects the choices women make in the first place. Gender norms and pressures influence women's decisions regarding education, occupation, time away from work, and family. These so-called explained factors show that our society has specific expectations and standards for women. So how do we know that discrimination and bias affect women's pay? Because discrimination cannot be directly detected in most records of income and employment, researchers look for the "unexplained" pay gap after statistically accounting for other factors. For instance, after accounting for college major, occupation, economic sector, hours worked, months unemployed since graduation, GPA, type of undergraduate institution, institution selectivity, age, geographical region, and marital status, AAUW found a remaining 7 percent difference between the earnings of male and female college gradu ates one year after graduation. That gap jumped to 12 percent 10 years after college graduation (AAUW, 2012; AAUW Educational Foundation, 2007). Other researchers have reached similar conclusions about gender discrimi nation and the pay gap. For instance, a study of medical researchers found an unexplained gap of 6 percent between comparable men and women in the field, and a recent study of the American workforce as a whole found an unexplained gap of 8 percent (Jagsi et al., 2012; Blau & Kahn, 2016). These estimates of the unexplained pay gap are often treated as estimates of the effect of discrimination on women's earnings. These numbers may be smaller than the overall pay gap, but all calculations of the gap represent substantial inequalities, real individual struggles, and smaller paychecks for women and their families.|miniatura|631x631px]]'''TLDR:''' Le donne hanno meno probabilità di raggiungere posizioni di leadership e dirigenza a elevato salario e la società valuta i lavori in modo differente per uomini e donne, con le donne che guadagnano meno quando entrano in professioni prevalentemente maschili. Ci sarebbe anche un gap salariale non spiegato del 7-8% tra uomini e donne che svolgono lo stesso lavoro, spesso attribuito alla discriminazione. | [[File:A3839a152c6fc4ecc16a5a18afb22f5e.png|women are also less likely than men to reach the highest-paying leadership and executive positions. In 2015, women held only 26 percent of pri vate-sector executive positions, with women of color particularly unlikely to hold such positions. (For more information on the leadership gap, see AAUW's 2016 report Barriers and Bias : the Status of Women in Leadership.) Gender bias also factors into how our society values some jobs over others. A study of 50 years of US workforce data concluded that when an influx of women enter a previously male-dominated profession, average wages for the occupation as a whole actually decrease (Levanon et al., 2009). And bias affects the choices women make in the first place. Gender norms and pressures influence women's decisions regarding education, occupation, time away from work, and family. These so-called explained factors show that our society has specific expectations and standards for women. So how do we know that discrimination and bias affect women's pay? Because discrimination cannot be directly detected in most records of income and employment, researchers look for the "unexplained" pay gap after statistically accounting for other factors. For instance, after accounting for college major, occupation, economic sector, hours worked, months unemployed since graduation, GPA, type of undergraduate institution, institution selectivity, age, geographical region, and marital status, AAUW found a remaining 7 percent difference between the earnings of male and female college gradu ates one year after graduation. That gap jumped to 12 percent 10 years after college graduation (AAUW, 2012; AAUW Educational Foundation, 2007). Other researchers have reached similar conclusions about gender discrimi nation and the pay gap. For instance, a study of medical researchers found an unexplained gap of 6 percent between comparable men and women in the field, and a recent study of the American workforce as a whole found an unexplained gap of 8 percent (Jagsi et al., 2012; Blau & Kahn, 2016). These estimates of the unexplained pay gap are often treated as estimates of the effect of discrimination on women's earnings. These numbers may be smaller than the overall pay gap, but all calculations of the gap represent substantial inequalities, real individual struggles, and smaller paychecks for women and their families.|miniatura|631x631px]]'''TLDR:''' Le donne hanno meno probabilità di raggiungere posizioni di leadership e dirigenza a elevato salario e la società valuta i lavori in modo differente per uomini e donne, con le donne che guadagnano meno quando entrano in professioni prevalentemente maschili. Ci sarebbe anche un gap salariale non spiegato del 7-8% tra uomini e donne che svolgono lo stesso lavoro, spesso attribuito alla discriminazione. | ||