Femminicidi a Ciudad Juárez: differenze tra le versioni

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Riga 7: Riga 7:
* il ''femminicidio intimo'' ha rappresentato il 30,4% dei omicidi di quelle donne.  
* il ''femminicidio intimo'' ha rappresentato il 30,4% dei omicidi di quelle donne.  
* Il ''femminicidio sessuale sistematico'' si riferisce a modelli sistematici nell'uccisione di donne e bambine, compreso il rapimento, la violenza sessuale, la tortura e l'abbandono dei corpi in aree come deserti, discariche e fognature. Secondo lo studio, il femminicidio sessuale sistematico ha rappresentato il 31,8% dei omicidi di quelle donne.<ref name="Fragoso2" />[[File:Cd Juarez murder rate chart 1.png|thumb|450px|total number of homicides in Juárez]]
* Il ''femminicidio sessuale sistematico'' si riferisce a modelli sistematici nell'uccisione di donne e bambine, compreso il rapimento, la violenza sessuale, la tortura e l'abbandono dei corpi in aree come deserti, discariche e fognature. Secondo lo studio, il femminicidio sessuale sistematico ha rappresentato il 31,8% dei omicidi di quelle donne.<ref name="Fragoso2" />[[File:Cd Juarez murder rate chart 1.png|thumb|450px|total number of homicides in Juárez]]
Secondo [https://beyondborders.nmsu.edu/campus-partners/molly-molloy.html Molly Molloy], professoressa alla [[New Mexico State University]], la situazione a Juárez è una di "impunità <u>indipendentemente dal genere</u>"<ref name="grassroots2">{{Cite web|url=http://www.grass-roots-press.com/2010/05/12/3615/|title=Juárez murders: Impunity regardless of gender : Grassroots Press|access-date=2019-10-18|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140316110340/http://www.grass-roots-press.com/2010/05/12/3615/|archive-date=16 marzo 2014|first=Molly|last=Molloy}}</ref>. Dice infatti che: <blockquote>"le vittime di omicidio femminile non hanno mai rappresentato più del 18% del totale delle vittime di omicidio a Ciudad Juárez, e negli ultimi due decenni quella figura media meno del 10%. Questo è meno degli Stati Uniti, dove circa il 20-25% delle persone che vengono uccise in un dato anno sono donne".<ref name="TO2">{{Cite web|url=https://www.texasobserver.org/qa-molly-molloy-story-juarez-femicides-myth/|title=Molly Molloy: La storia dei femminicidi di Juárez è un 'mito'|date=09-01-2014|website=The Texas Observer|language=en-US|access-date=2019-10-18}}</ref></blockquote>Altri studiosi affermano anche che <u>i tassi di femminicidio a Ciudad Juárez sono inferiori a quelli delle città americane come Houston e Ensenada</u> e, come quota del totale dei tassi di omicidio, sono tipicamente inferiori ad altre città.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Albuquerque|first1=Pedro H.|last2=Vemala|first2=Prasad|date=2015-11-09|title=Femicide Rates in Mexican Cities along the US-Mexico Border: Do the Maquiladora Industries Play a Role?|language=en|location=Rochester, NY|ssrn=1112308}}</ref>  
Secondo [https://beyondborders.nmsu.edu/campus-partners/molly-molloy.html Molly Molloy], professoressa alla [[New Mexico State University]], la situazione a Juárez è una di "impunità <u>indipendentemente dal genere</u>"<ref name="grassroots2">{{Cite web|url=http://www.grass-roots-press.com/2010/05/12/3615/|title=Juárez murders: Impunity regardless of gender : Grassroots Press|access-date=2019-10-18|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140316110340/http://www.grass-roots-press.com/2010/05/12/3615/|archive-date=16 marzo 2014|first=Molly|last=Molloy}}</ref>. Dice infatti che: <blockquote>"le vittime di omicidio femminile non hanno mai rappresentato più del 18% del totale delle vittime di omicidio a Ciudad Juárez, e negli ultimi due decenni quella figura media meno del 10%. Questo è meno degli Stati Uniti, dove circa il 20-25% delle persone che vengono uccise in un dato anno sono donne".<ref name="TO2">{{Cite web|url=https://www.texasobserver.org/qa-molly-molloy-story-juarez-femicides-myth/|title=Molly Molloy: La storia dei femminicidi di Juárez è un 'mito'|date=09-01-2014|website=The Texas Observer|language=en-US|access-date=2019-10-18}}</ref></blockquote>Altri studiosi affermano anche che <u>i tassi di femminicidio a Ciudad Juárez sono inferiori a quelli delle città americane come Houston e Ensenada</u> e, come quota del totale dei tassi di omicidio, sono tipicamente inferiori ad altre città.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Albuquerque|first1=Pedro H.|last2=Vemala|first2=Prasad|date=2015-11-09|title=Femicide Rates in Mexican Cities along the US-Mexico Border: Do the Maquiladora Industries Play a Role?|language=en|location=Rochester, NY|ssrn=1112308}}</ref>
 
== Fattori contribuenti ==
== Fattori contribuenti ==
=== Criminalità organizzata e traffico di droga ===
=== Criminalità organizzata e traffico di droga ===
{{main|Crime in Mexico|Juárez Cartel|Mexican Drug War}}
{{main|Crime in Mexico|Juárez Cartel|Mexican Drug War}}
Riga 16: Riga 14:


La misoginia è un tratto comune dell'attività dei gang.<ref name="Olivera2" /> Secondo uno studio condotto nel 2008, il 9,1% dei delitti contro le donne sono stati attribuiti alle attività di criminalità organizzata e traffico di droga.<ref name="Fragoso3" />
La misoginia è un tratto comune dell'attività dei gang.<ref name="Olivera2" /> Secondo uno studio condotto nel 2008, il 9,1% dei delitti contro le donne sono stati attribuiti alle attività di criminalità organizzata e traffico di droga.<ref name="Fragoso3" />
===Maquila industry===
 
[[Maquiladora]]s are widely known for their cheap labor and their exploitative conditions, such as regularly violating basic [[human rights]], that often target women.<ref name="Pantaleo2">{{cite journal|last=Pantaleo|first=Katherine|year=2010|title=Gendered Violence: An Analysis of the Maquiladora Murders|journal=International Criminal Justice Review|volume=20|issue=4|page=349365|doi=10.1177/1057567710380914|s2cid=144818023}}</ref> Women and girls often migrate from villages or rural areas in other parts of Mexico in search of work in the maquilas.<ref name="Livingston2">{{cite journal|last=Livingston|first=Jessica|year=2004|title=Murder in Juárez: Gender, Sexual Violence, and the Global Assembly Line|journal=Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies|volume=25|issue=1|pages=59–76|doi=10.1353/fro.2004.0034|jstor=3347254|s2cid=144659311}}</ref> According to Livingston, this migration of women created, "a new phenomenon of mobile, independent, and vulnerable working women," in cities like Ciudad Juárez.<ref name="Livingston2" /> Many of the murder victims in Ciudad Juárez have been maquiladora employees.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> Despite the expansion of the maquila industry, Juárez still remained a relatively poor and undeveloped city lacking infrastructure in some parts such as electricity and paved roads.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> As a part of their daily commute, many women maquila workers walk through such areas to and from company buses creating vulnerability to be victimized.<ref name="Livingston2" /><ref name="Pantaleo2" /> In addition, the increased involvement of women in the labor force may also be a contributing factor to the victimization of women and girls because of the competition for economic resources in decades in which [[male unemployment]] has been high.<ref name="Livingston2" /><ref name="Pantaleo2" />
=== Industria Maquila ===
Le [https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maquiladora maquiladoras]<ref>Le '''''maquiladoras''''' sono stabilimenti industriali posseduti o controllati da soggetti stranieri, in cui avvengono trasformazioni o assemblaggi di componenti temporaneamente esportati da paesi maggiormente industrializzati in un regime di duty free ed esenzione fiscale. I prodotti assemblati o trasformati dovranno successivamente essere esportati all'estero.
 
Questo fenomeno è caratteristico tra il Messico e gli Stati Uniti.</ref> sono note per il loro basso costo del lavoro e per le <u>condizioni di sfruttamento</u>, come la regolare violazione dei diritti umani di base, che <u>spesso colpiscono le donne</u><ref name="Pantaleo24">{{cite journal|last=Pantaleo|first=Katherine|year=2010|title=Gendered Violence: An Analysis of the Maquiladora Murders|journal=International Criminal Justice Review|volume=20|issue=4|page=349365|doi=10.1177/1057567710380914|s2cid=144818023}}</ref>.
 
<u>Donne e ragazze spesso migrano da villaggi o zone rurali in altre parti del Messico alla ricerca di lavoro nelle maquila</u>.<ref name="Livingston23">{{cite journal|last=Livingston|first=Jessica|year=2004|title=Murder in Juárez: Gender, Sexual Violence, and the Global Assembly Line|journal=Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies|volume=25|issue=1|pages=59–76|doi=10.1353/fro.2004.0034|jstor=3347254|s2cid=144659311}}</ref>  
 
Secondo Livingston, questa migrazione di donne ha creato "un nuovo fenomeno di donne lavoratrici mobili, indipendenti e vulnerabili" in città come Ciudad Juárez.<ref name="Livingston23" />  
 
M<u>olti delle vittime di omicidio a Ciudad Juárez erano dipendenti delle maquila</u><ref name="Pantaleo24" />. Nonostante l'espansione dell'industria maquila, Juárez è rimasto una città relativamente povera e sviluppata, che mancava di infrastrutture in alcune parti come elettricità e strade pavimentate.<ref name="Pantaleo24" /> Come parte del loro tragitto quotidiano, molte lavoratrici delle maquila camminano attraverso tali zone per andare e tornare dai pullman aziendali, creando vulnerabilità alla vittimizzazione<ref name="Livingston23" /><ref name="Pantaleo24" />.
 
Inoltre, l'aumento della partecipazione delle donne al mercato del lavoro potrebbe essere anche un fattore contributivo alla vittimizzazione di donne e ragazze a causa della competizione per le risorse economiche in decenni in cui il tasso di disoccupazione maschile è stato elevato.<ref name="Livingston23" /><ref name="Pantaleo24" />
===NAFTA===
===NAFTA===
The implementation of the [[North American Free Trade Agreement]] in 1994 resulted in the expansion of the maquiladora industry and created new opportunities for employment for women outside of the home and in the factories.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> The availability of cheap labor made it attractive for business owners to open factories in Mexico, and the availability of cheap employment attracted many, especially women, to border towns such as Ciudad Juárez. Research has shown correlations between economic and political issues and violence against women along the border.<ref name="Pantaleo2" />
L'implementazione del [[Trattato di Libero Commercio Nordamericano]] nel 1994 ha portato all'espansione dell'industria maquiladora e ha creato nuove opportunità di lavoro per le donne al di fuori delle case e nelle fabbriche.<ref name="Pantaleo25" /> La disponibilità di manodopera a basso costo ha reso attraente per i proprietari di aziende aprire fabbriche in Messico, e la disponibilità di lavoro a basso costo ha attirato molte, soprattutto donne, nei centri urbani di confine come Ciudad Juárez. La ricerca ha dimostrato correlazioni tra questioni economiche e politiche e violenza contro le donne lungo il confine.<ref name="Pantaleo25" />


Academic Katherine Pantaleo has argued that "NAFTA, as a capitalist approach, has directly created a devaluation of women and an increase in gendered violence."<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> Further, according to Wright, in the time period between the implementation of NAFTA in 1994 and 2001, "the homicide rate for men increased by 300 percent, while for women it increased by 600 percent."<ref name="Wright">{{cite journal|last=Wright|first=Melissa M.|title=Public Women, Profit, and Femicide in Northern Mexico|journal=South Atlantic Quarterly|year=2006|volume=1054|issue=4|pages=681–698|doi=10.1215/00382876-2006-003}}</ref> Such studies indicate the importance of exploring the effects of NAFTA when considering the possible causes of the murder of women and girls in Ciudad Juárez.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> Consequently, it has been suggested that amendments be made to NAFTA that include human rights provisions.<ref name="Pantaleo2" />
La accademica Katherine Pantaleo ha sostenuto che "NAFTA, come approccio capitalista, ha direttamente creato una svalutazione delle donne e un aumento di violenza di genere."<ref name="Pantaleo25" /> Inoltre, secondo Wright, nel periodo tra l'implementazione di NAFTA nel 1994 e nel 2001, "il tasso di omicidi per gli uomini è aumentato del 300 percento, mentre per le donne è aumentato del 600 percento."<ref name="Wright2">{{cite journal|last=Wright|first=Melissa M.|title=Public Women, Profit, and Femicide in Northern Mexico|journal=South Atlantic Quarterly|year=2006|volume=1054|issue=4|pages=681–698|doi=10.1215/00382876-2006-003}}</ref> Tali studi indicano l'importanza di esplorare gli effetti di NAFTA quando si considerano le possibili cause delle uccisioni di donne e ragazze a Ciudad Juárez.<ref name="Pantaleo25" /> Di conseguenza, si è suggerito che vengano apportate modifiche a NAFTA che includano disposizioni sui diritti umani.<ref name="Pantaleo25" />  
===Gender roles===
===Ruoli di genere===
Sociocultural attitudes to traditional gender roles have influenced violence against women.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> According to Pantaleo, "Under the view of patriarchy, two expressions are commonly used in Mexico to show the difference in the status of males and females; these expressions are [[machismo]] and [[marianismo]]."<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> Machismo is characterized by male power and aggression; while marianismo is characterized by subordination and domestic duties.<ref name="Pantaleo2" /> Women who leave their homes to seek employment in the maquila industry directly challenge the marianismo.<ref name="Livingston2" /> Olivera suggests that this changed situation challenges [[hypermasculinity]].<ref name="Olivera">{{cite journal|last=Olivera|first=Mercedes|s2cid=62803124|title=Violencia Femicida : Violence Against Women and Mexico's Structural Crisis|journal=Latin American Perspectives|year=2006|volume=33|issue=104|pages=104–114|doi=10.1177/0094582X05286092}}</ref> According to Livingston, gender-directed violence in Ciudad Juárez may be a negative reaction as women "gain greater personal autonomy and independence while men lose ground."<ref name="Livingston2" />
Gli atteggiamenti socioculturali nei confronti dei ruoli di genere tradizionali hanno influenzato la violenza contro le donne.<ref name="Pantaleo23" /> Secondo Pantaleo, <blockquote>"sotto la visione del patriarcato, in Messico si usano comunemente due espressioni per mostrare la differenza di status tra maschi e femmine; queste espressioni sono [[machismo]] e [[marianismo]]". "Il machismo è caratterizzato dal potere maschile e dall'aggressività, mentre il marianismo è caratterizzato dalla subordinazione e dai doveri domestici"<ref name="Pantaleo23" /> </blockquote>Le donne che lasciano le loro case per cercare lavoro nell'industria delle maquila sfidano direttamente il marianismo. <ref name="Livingston22" /> Olivera suggerisce che questa mutata situazione sfida l'[[ipermascolinità]].<ref name="Olivera3">{{cite journal|last=Olivera|first=Mercedes|s2cid=62803124|title=Violencia Femicida : Violence Against Women and Mexico's Structural Crisis|journal=Latin American Perspectives|year=2006|volume=33|issue=104|pages=104-114|doi=10. 1177/0094582X05286092}}</ref> Secondo Livingston, la violenza di genere a Ciudad Juárez può essere una reazione negativa in quanto le donne "ottengono una maggiore autonomia e indipendenza personale mentre gli uomini perdono terreno"<ref name="Livingston22" />.
==Police and governmental response==
==Police and governmental response==
The murder of women in Juárez has attracted global attention since 1993 given suspected police and government inaction to prevent the murders and bring perpetrators to justice.<ref name="Widyono" /> Police and government officials have been accused of responding with indifference to the crimes against women as well as exhibiting tolerance for such crimes, conducting inadequate and negligent investigations, ineffectively responding to the crimes, and failing to prevent and protect women from violence.<ref name="Livingston2" /><ref name="CEDAW">{{cite journal|last=Sokhi-Bulley|first=Bal|title=The Optional Protocol to CEDAW: First Steps|journal=Human Rights Law Review|year=2006|volume=6|issue=1|pages=143–159|doi=10.1093/hrlr/ngi029}}</ref><ref name="Amnesty 2">{{cite web|title=Mexico - Amnesty International Report 2010|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/region/mexico/report-2010|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=19 March 2012}}</ref> According to Livingston, "In 1998 the National Commission for Human Rights issued a report charging gross irregularities and general negligence in state investigations, including the misidentification of corpses, failure to obtain expert tests on forensic evidence, failure to conduct autopsies or obtain semen analysis... failure to file written reports, [and] incompetence in keeping records of the rising tide of women murders."<ref name="Livingston2" />
The murder of women in Juárez has attracted global attention since 1993 given suspected police and government inaction to prevent the murders and bring perpetrators to justice.<ref name="Widyono" /> Police and government officials have been accused of responding with indifference to the crimes against women as well as exhibiting tolerance for such crimes, conducting inadequate and negligent investigations, ineffectively responding to the crimes, and failing to prevent and protect women from violence.<ref name="Livingston2">{{cite journal|last=Livingston|first=Jessica|year=2004|title=Murder in Juárez: Gender, Sexual Violence, and the Global Assembly Line|journal=Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies|volume=25|issue=1|pages=59–76|doi=10.1353/fro.2004.0034|jstor=3347254|s2cid=144659311}}</ref><ref name="CEDAW">{{cite journal|last=Sokhi-Bulley|first=Bal|title=The Optional Protocol to CEDAW: First Steps|journal=Human Rights Law Review|year=2006|volume=6|issue=1|pages=143–159|doi=10.1093/hrlr/ngi029}}</ref><ref name="Amnesty 2">{{cite web|title=Mexico - Amnesty International Report 2010|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/region/mexico/report-2010|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=19 March 2012}}</ref> According to Livingston, "In 1998 the National Commission for Human Rights issued a report charging gross irregularities and general negligence in state investigations, including the misidentification of corpses, failure to obtain expert tests on forensic evidence, failure to conduct autopsies or obtain semen analysis... failure to file written reports, [and] incompetence in keeping records of the rising tide of women murders."<ref name="Livingston2" />


As a result of international attention, police and government officials have been politically pressured to respond to the murders.<ref name="Amnesty 4">{{cite web|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr41/026/2003/en/|title=Ten years of abductions and murders of women in Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua: Developments as of September 2003|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=19 March 2012}}</ref> In 2011, Amnesty International said, "The government [has] failed to take effective measures to investigate and bring to justice those responsible for the abduction and killing of three women in Ciudad Juárez... or to combat the ongoing pattern of violence against women and discrimination in the city.<ref name="Amnesty 3">{{cite web|title=Annual Report: Mexico 2011|url=http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/annual-report-mexico-2011?page=show|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=14 March 2012}}</ref>
As a result of international attention, police and government officials have been politically pressured to respond to the murders.<ref name="Amnesty 4">{{cite web|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr41/026/2003/en/|title=Ten years of abductions and murders of women in Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua: Developments as of September 2003|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=19 March 2012}}</ref> In 2011, Amnesty International said, "The government [has] failed to take effective measures to investigate and bring to justice those responsible for the abduction and killing of three women in Ciudad Juárez... or to combat the ongoing pattern of violence against women and discrimination in the city.<ref name="Amnesty 3">{{cite web|title=Annual Report: Mexico 2011|url=http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/annual-report-mexico-2011?page=show|publisher=Amnesty International|access-date=14 March 2012}}</ref>
Riga 53: Riga 62:
According to Amnesty International, "In [2009], the [[Inter-American Court of Human Rights]] ruled on the “cotton field” ([[Campo Algodonero in Cd. Juarez|Campo Algodonero]]) case that Mexico was guilty of discrimination and of failing to protect three young women murdered in 2001 in Ciudad Juárez or to ensure an effective investigation into their abduction and murder."<ref name="Amnesty 2" /> The Court ordered Mexico to conduct a new investigation of the murders, create a national memorial for the victims, pay reparations to the families of the victims, and to improve measures which prevent and adequately investigate the murder of women and girls.<ref name="El Paso Times">{{cite news|last=Ortega Lozano|first=Marisela|title=130 women killed in Juárez this year; Chihuahua AG says fight for women's rights painful and slow|url=http://www.elpasotimes.com/ci_18747536?IADID=Search-www.elpasotimes.com-www.elpasotimes.com|archive-url=https://archive.today/20130122001358/http://www.elpasotimes.com/ci_18747536?IADID=Search-www.elpasotimes.com-www.elpasotimes.com|url-status=dead|archive-date=22 January 2013|access-date=14 March 2012|newspaper=El Paso Times|date=24 August 2011}}</ref><ref name="Amnesty 2" />
According to Amnesty International, "In [2009], the [[Inter-American Court of Human Rights]] ruled on the “cotton field” ([[Campo Algodonero in Cd. Juarez|Campo Algodonero]]) case that Mexico was guilty of discrimination and of failing to protect three young women murdered in 2001 in Ciudad Juárez or to ensure an effective investigation into their abduction and murder."<ref name="Amnesty 2" /> The Court ordered Mexico to conduct a new investigation of the murders, create a national memorial for the victims, pay reparations to the families of the victims, and to improve measures which prevent and adequately investigate the murder of women and girls.<ref name="El Paso Times">{{cite news|last=Ortega Lozano|first=Marisela|title=130 women killed in Juárez this year; Chihuahua AG says fight for women's rights painful and slow|url=http://www.elpasotimes.com/ci_18747536?IADID=Search-www.elpasotimes.com-www.elpasotimes.com|archive-url=https://archive.today/20130122001358/http://www.elpasotimes.com/ci_18747536?IADID=Search-www.elpasotimes.com-www.elpasotimes.com|url-status=dead|archive-date=22 January 2013|access-date=14 March 2012|newspaper=El Paso Times|date=24 August 2011}}</ref><ref name="Amnesty 2" />
==Local activism==
==Local activism==
[[Image:Familiares de mujeres asesinada.jpg|thumb|2007 protest by some victims' families demanding punishment of the killers]]There have been numerous local efforts that have helped draw attention to the femicides in Juárez.<ref name="Amnesty" /><ref name="Wright" /> In 1999, a group of feminist activists founded Casa Amiga, Juárez's first rape crisis and sexual assault center.<ref name="Wright 2">{{cite journal|last=Wright|first=Melissa W.|title=A Manifest against Femicide|journal=Antipode|date=December 2002|volume=33|issue=3|pages=550–566|doi=10.1111/1467-8330.00198|pmid=19165968}}</ref> The center works to provide women in Juárez with a refuge against violence, therapy, legal council, and medical attention.<ref name="Wright 2" /> In 2002, a social justice movement named [[Ni Una Mas]], which in Spanish means "not one more," was formed to raise international awareness to violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Wright" /> The movement consists of a variety of domestic and international organizations and individual activists.<ref name="Wright" /> Ni Una Mas participants demand that the Mexican state implement strategies that prevent violence against women including murder and kidnappings and that the state conduct competent investigations on crimes already committed.<ref name="Wright" /> [[Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa A.C.]], which in Spanish means "Our Daughters Back Home" also formed in response to the violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Wright 2" /> [[Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa A.C.]] has also worked to bring domestic and international media attention to the violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Lorenzo">{{cite journal|last=Blanco|first=Lorenzo|author2=Sandra M. Villa|title=Sources of crime in the state of Veracruz: The role of female labor force participation and wage inequality|journal=Feminist Economics|date=October 2008|volume=14|issue=3|pages=51–75|doi=10.1080/13545700802075143|s2cid=154371170}}</ref>
[[Image:Familiares de mujeres asesinada.jpg|thumb|2007 protest by some victims' families demanding punishment of the killers]]There have been numerous local efforts that have helped draw attention to the femicides in Juárez.<ref name="Amnesty" /><ref name="Wright">{{cite journal|last=Wright|first=Melissa M.|title=Public Women, Profit, and Femicide in Northern Mexico|journal=South Atlantic Quarterly|year=2006|volume=1054|issue=4|pages=681–698|doi=10.1215/00382876-2006-003}}</ref> In 1999, a group of feminist activists founded Casa Amiga, Juárez's first rape crisis and sexual assault center.<ref name="Wright 2">{{cite journal|last=Wright|first=Melissa W.|title=A Manifest against Femicide|journal=Antipode|date=December 2002|volume=33|issue=3|pages=550–566|doi=10.1111/1467-8330.00198|pmid=19165968}}</ref> The center works to provide women in Juárez with a refuge against violence, therapy, legal council, and medical attention.<ref name="Wright 2" /> In 2002, a social justice movement named [[Ni Una Mas]], which in Spanish means "not one more," was formed to raise international awareness to violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Wright" /> The movement consists of a variety of domestic and international organizations and individual activists.<ref name="Wright" /> Ni Una Mas participants demand that the Mexican state implement strategies that prevent violence against women including murder and kidnappings and that the state conduct competent investigations on crimes already committed.<ref name="Wright" /> [[Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa A.C.]], which in Spanish means "Our Daughters Back Home" also formed in response to the violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Wright 2" /> [[Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa A.C.]] has also worked to bring domestic and international media attention to the violence against women in Juárez.<ref name="Lorenzo">{{cite journal|last=Blanco|first=Lorenzo|author2=Sandra M. Villa|title=Sources of crime in the state of Veracruz: The role of female labor force participation and wage inequality|journal=Feminist Economics|date=October 2008|volume=14|issue=3|pages=51–75|doi=10.1080/13545700802075143|s2cid=154371170}}</ref>
==Cultural references==
==Cultural references==
===In television and radio===
===In television and radio===